‘ ‘ ‘ A recent New York Times column shared the story of a 13-year-old Chadian boy,… ‘ ‘ ‘ A recent New York Times column shared the story of a 13-year-old Chadian boy, Suleiman Ahsan, who was crippled by a gunshot to the knee and carries a machete scar across his forehead. He is a victim of the ongoing conflict in Darfur, but not in the way most would think. ‘ ‘ ‘ Ahsan joined a militia group last year with the hope of avenging his father’s death at the hands of the janjaweed, the group that carried out many of the atrocities in Darfur. Still in the prime of his early days, he exchanged childhood games for guns and grenades. ‘ ‘ ‘ For many, Ahsan’s story is hardly news. It’s merely a blip in the continued tragedy unfolding in Darfur, something to which Americans and the rest of the world have become regrettably immune. Upon closer examination, though, this story represents a noteworthy shift in the direction of the six-year conflict. ‘ ‘ ‘ Not only are children targeted by the janjaweed, they are also enlisted to fight by the opposition, which includes various rebel groups. In 2003, these groups started attacking government institutions as a means of expressing their distaste with the overbearing leadership. Since the initial attacks, the rebel groups became increasingly nuanced and divided over petty disagreements. ‘ ‘ ‘ With declining support comes a desperation that extends the limitations of the fighting. As the rebel groups divide, their focus turns to maintaining numbers as they strive for continued influence. This means recruiting more child soldiers. ‘ ‘ ‘ In December 2008, NPR interviewed Jerry Farrell, an aid worker for Save the Children who has lived in Darfur for the past three years. When asked about the age of the fighters, Farrell commented that there had been a distinct drop in their overall ages. ‘ ‘ ‘ These shifts occurred in other conflicts across Africa. In Uganda, more than 20 years of fighting between the government and the Lord’s Resistance Army endangered the lives of millions, especially children. As the LRA lost support for its campaign against the government, it resorted to abducting children to maintain its ranks. It is estimated that about 90 percent of the LRA’s forces were abducted in their youth. ‘ ‘ ‘ What was once a last resort has become a prime strategy for the LRA. Children have not only been used for combat, they also work to recruit their peers, slipping into schools and refugee camps during the nights. Even though abductions have declined because of international action, the fact remains that the lives of an entire generation were, and continue to be, disrupted. ‘ ‘ ‘ Given the parallels in Darfur, the implications are obvious. If powerful nations fail to keep Darfur on their watch, we might see yet another set of children lose their innocence to war. ‘ ‘ ‘ But many still wonder if stopping or slowing the bloodshed in Darfur is even possible. According to Farrell, the United Nations mission in Darfur suffers from major troop shortages that have left the operation unable to protect civilians or aid workers. Any progress, Farrell said, will start with peace talks between the rebel groups in order to find out which ones actually want political change in Sudan. If the Obama administration intends to take action, overseeing these talks would be a fine start. ‘ ‘ ‘ As of now, the effectiveness of any campaign requires that involvement from U.S. programs such as ‘Darfur from Day One’ put pressure on President Obama to act on this issue. The initiative, created by STAND, did so by helping individuals fax Obama about Darfur during his first day in office. ‘ ‘ ‘ As the conflict in Darfur progressed, it’s become harder and harder to tell who is fighting for the rights of the Darfuri civilians. But it’s apparent who isn’t ‘mdash; Western nations and the U.N. are excruciatingly slow in even recognizing the magnitude of the conflict. Regardless of whether it qualifies for the title of genocide, the fighting in Darfur warrants our continued attention. E-mail Hay at [email protected].